Updated Scotland indicators

  • Lacking consumer durables:
    • first graph (over time): the proportion of low income households lacking selected consumer durables has fallen considerably since the early 1990s.
    • second graph (compared to the United Kingdom): although the gap has been narrowing, fewer low-income households lack either a freezer or a washing machine in Scotland than in the UK as a whole.
  • Underage pregnancies:
    • first graph (over time): the number of pregnancies to girls conceiving under age 16 is similar to a decade ago, although the number of actual births is lower.
    • second graph (by deprivation of area): underage conceptions are much more common in deprived areas.
  • School exclusions:
    • third graph (compared to Great Britain): the rate of permanent exclusion is much lower in Scotland than elsewhere in Great Britain.
  • Blue collar jobs:
    • first graph (over time by industry): although the total number of jobs is similar to a decade ago, the number of service jobs (both private and public) is somewhat higher whilst the number of production jobs is somewhat lower.
    • second graph (over time within production): most of the fall in production jobs has been in manufacturing.
    • third graph (by region): the pattern of an increase in the number of service jobs, combined with a decrease in the number of production jobs, has occurred throughout the United Kingdom as well as in Scotland.
  • Longstanding illness/disability:
    • first graph (by age and housing tenure): people of all ages who are living in social rented accommodation are much more likely to suffer from a limiting long-standing illness than those in owner occupation.
  • Mental health:
    • first graph (by gender and work status): people who are working are at much lower risk of mental illness than those who are either unemployed or long-term sick or disabled.
  • Access to transport:
    • first graph (by type of area): people living in rural areas are much more likely to find public transport inconvenient than those living in either small towns or urban areas.
    • second graph (by reason): in rural areas, the most common reason for not using public transport is the lack of a service. In urban areas, a common reason is that it takes too long.
  • Access to essential services:
    • first graph (by type of area): those living in rural locations are more likely to find access to essential services inconvenient than those living in either urban areas or towns.
    • second graph (by cars): for many services, those without cars are no more likely to find access to essential services inconvenient than those with cars.
  • Dissatisfaction with public services:
    • first graph (by type of area): levels of dissatisfaction with Council services are similar in all types of area.
    • second graph (by deprivation of area): whilst the proportion of people who think that their Council does not provide high quality services is highest in the most deprived areas, the differences are not that great.
    • third graph (by income): levels of dissatisfaction with Council services are similar at all income levels.
    • fourth graph (by housing tenure): whilst the proportion of people who think that their Council does not provide high quality services is highest among social renters, the differences are not that great.
    • fifth graph (by social class): whilst the proportion of people who think that their Council does not provide high quality services is highest among those from routine and manual backgrounds, the differences are not that great.
  • Dissatisfaction with local area:
    • first graph (by type of area): people in urban areas are more likely to dislike their neighbourhood because of either young people ‘hanging around’ or vandalism than those in more rural areas.
    • second graph (by deprivation of area): people living in deprived areas are much more likely to dislike their neighbourhood because of young people ‘hanging around’ or vandalism than those living in other areas.
    • third graph (by income): a similar proportion of people at all income levels dislike their neighbourhood because of young people ‘hanging around’ or vandalism.
    • fourth graph (by housing tenure): people in social rented housing are much more likely than owner occupiers to dislike their neighbourhood because of either young people ‘hanging around’ or vandalism.
    • fifth graph (by social class): a similar proportion of people in all social classes dislike their neighbourhood because of young people ‘hanging around’ or vandalism.
  • Feeling unsafe out at night:
    • first graph (by type of area): people in urban areas are more than twice as likely to feel unsafe walking alone in their area at night as those in rural areas.
    • second graph (by deprivation of area): people living in the most deprived areas are twice as likely to feel unsafe walking alone in their area at night as those living in areas with below-average deprivation.
    • third graph (by income): people on below-average incomes are twice as likely to feel unsafe walking alone in their area at night as those on above-average incomes.
    • fourth graph (by housing tenure): people in social rented housing are almost twice as likely to feel unsafe walking alone in their area at night as owner occupiers.
    • fifth graph (by social class): the proportion of people who feel unsafe walking alone in their area at night is somewhat higher for those from routine and manual backgrounds than for those from other backgrounds.
  • Working in a voluntary capacity:
    • first graph (by type of area): people living in urban areas are less likely to have worked in a voluntary capacity than those living in rural areas.
    • second graph (by deprivation of area): people living in deprived areas are much less likely to have worked in a voluntary capacity than those living in other areas.
    • third graph (by income): people on low incomes are much less likely to have worked in a voluntary capacity than those on higher incomes.
    • fourth graph (by housing tenure): owner occupiers are twice as likely to have worked in a voluntary capacity as those living in social housing.
    • fifth graph (by social class): people from routine or manual backgrounds are much less likely to have worked in a voluntary capacity than those from other backgrounds.