NOTES

What is new

December 2010

Updated UK indicators

  • Numbers in low income:
    • fourth graph (compared to Europe): the UK has a slightly higher proportion of its population in relative low income than the European Union average.
  • Out-of-work benefit recipients:
    • first graph (over time): the rise in the number of unemployed claimants in the latest two years has more than offset all the reductions in the previous decade. Despite this rise, the biggest group of benefit claimants remains those who are sick or disabled.
    • second graph (by reason): two-fifths of all claimants of out-of-work disability benefits have mental or behaviour disorders.
    • third graph (by age): two-fifths of all working-age claimants of out-of-work disability benefits are aged less than 45.
    • fourth graph and map (by region): almost twice as many working-age people in the North East and Wales are claimants of out-of-work benefits as in the South East.
  • Long-term working-age recipients of out-of-work benefits:
    • first graph (over time): most working-age people receiving a key out-of-work benefit for two years or more are sick or disabled.
    • second graph (by reason): two-fifths of all long-term claimants of out-of-work disability benefits have mental or behaviour disorders.
    • third graph (by age): two-thirds of the long-term claimants of out-of-work disability benefits are aged less than 55 and a third are aged less than 45.
  • Children with a criminal record:
    • first graph (over time): the number of children cautioned for indictable offences has fallen sharply since 2007, reversing the previously rising trend.
    • second graph (by age – rates): the peak rate for for offending is at age 17.
    • third graph (by age – shares): half of the offences committed by children are committed by those aged 15 or under.
    • fourth graph (by gender): three times as many boys are found guilty of, or cautioned for, indictable offences as girls but the difference is much less for theft and much greater for drug offences.
  • Young adult low pay:
    • first graph (over time): there are 65,000 looked-after children in England, slightly more than a decade ago.
    • third graph (status at age 19): a third of previously looked-after children are not in education, employment or training at age 19.
  • Young adults with a criminal record:
    • first graph (over time): the number of 18- to 20-year-olds found guilty of an indictable offence fell between 1999 and 2004 but has remained broadly unchanged since then.
  • Young adult low pay:
    • first and second graphs (over time): in 2010, two-thirds of all employees aged 18 to 21 – both men and women – were paid less than £7 per hour.
    • third graph (by gender): for those aged 18 to 21, the distribution of pay rates are similar for both men and women.
    • fourth graph (by age): between the ages of 18 and 21, half of all full-time employees are paid less than £7 per hour. This is in sharp contrast to the much lower proportions for those aged 22 and over.
  • Young adult suicides:
    • first graph (over time): the number of suicides amongst young adults aged 15 to 24 has fallen by a third over the last decade, although that decline has now ceased.
    • second graph (by gender): four-fifths of young adult suicides are males.
    • third graph (young adult deaths more generally): as well as suicides, young men are also much more likely to die from accidents than are young women.
  • Concentrations of worklessness:
    • first graph (over time): overall, claimant numbers have followed similar trends in both the areas with the most claimants and the areas with the least claimants.
    • second graph (rates): 30% of working-age people receive out-of-work benefits in the areas with the highest concentrations. This compares with 12% in areas with average concentrations.
    • third graph (shares): 40% of working-age recipients of out-of-work benefits live in a fifth of small areas, whilst the other 60% live outside of these areas.
  • Numbers in low pay:
    • first and second graphs (over time): the proportion of employees aged 22 and over who were low paid fell between 2002 and 2005 but has not changed much since then. In 2010, a fifth of the women – and a tenth of the men – were paid less than £7 per hour.
    • third graph (by gender): whatever low-pay threshold is used, the proportion of working women who are low paid is around twice that of working men.
    • fourth graph (by age): at all ages, 30% or more of part-time employees are paid less than £7 per hour. Except for the 18-21 age group, the proportion of full-time employees paid less than £7 per hour is much lower.
    • fifth graph (by occupation): in two areas of occupation – elementary and sales & customer service – two-thirds of part-time employees are paid less than £7 per hour.
    • sixth graph (shares by gender): more than half of those paid less than £7 per hour are part-time workers, mainly women.
    • seventh graph (shares by age): almost half of those paid less than £7 per hour are aged 40 or over.
  • Low income and disability:
    • fourth graph (compared to Europe): the proportion of economically inactive working-age adults who are in relative low income is higher in the UK than in any other EU country.
  • Location of low pay:
    • first graph and map (by region): in most regions, at least a fifth of all female employees earn less than £7 per hour.
  • Pay inequalities:
    • first graph (over time): low-paid women are paid around 10% less than low-paid men. High-paid women are paid around 20% less than high-paid men.
    • second graph (by gender and type): a half of all part-time workers – both men and women – are paid less than £8 per hour.
    • third graph (by region): pay inequalities are greater in London, the South East and East than elsewhere.
  • Excess winter deaths:
    • first graph (over time): each year around 20,000 more people aged 65 or over die in winter months than in other months.
    • second graph (by region): the rate of excess winter deaths amongst those aged 65 and over is similar in all regions.

Updated Scotland indicators

  • Location of low income:
    • first graph and first map (working-age adults by local authority): the proportion of working-age people in receipt of out-of-work benefits is more than twice as high in Glasgow, Inverclyde, West Dunbartonshire and North Ayrshire than in some other parts of Scotland.
    • second graph and first map (retirement-age adults by local authority): more than twice as many people are in receipt of guaranteed Pension Credit in Glasgow than in most of the rest of Scotland.
  • Out-of-work benefit recipients:
    • first graph (over time): despite a rise in the the latest two years, the number of benefit claimants is still well below that of a decade ago. The biggest group of benefit claimants remains those who are sick or disabled.
    • second graph (by reason): almost half of all claimants of out-of-work disability benefits have mental or behaviour disorders.
    • third graph (by age): two-fifths of all working-age claimants of out-of-work disability benefits are aged less than 45.
    • fourth graph and map (by local authority): the proportion of working-age people in receipt of out-of-work benefits is more than twice as high in Glasgow, Inverclyde, West Dunbartonshire and North Ayrshire than in some other parts of Scotland.
    • fifth graph (compared with Great Britain): Scotland has more people in receipt of out-of-work benefits than the Great Britain on average but less than in some of the other regions.
  • Long-term working-age recipients of out-of-work benefits:
    • first graph (over time): most working-age people receiving a key out-of-work benefit for two years or more are sick or disabled.
    • second graph (by reason): almost half of all long-term claimants of out-of-work disability benefits have mental or behaviour disorders.
    • third graph (by age): two-thirds of the long-term claimants of out-of-work disability benefits are aged less than 55 and a third are aged less than 45.
  • Low birthweight babies:
    • first graph (over time): the proportion of babies born with a low birthweight is similar to a decade ago.
    • second graph (by population group): babies born to parents in high-deprivation areas are much more likely to be of low birthweight than those in low-deprivation areas.
    • third graph (by health board): the proportion of babies who are of low birthweight is similar across most of Scotland.
  • School exclusions:
    • first graph (over time): the number of children permanent excluded each year has fallen sharply in recent years and is now less than 100.
  • Destination of school leavers:
    • first graph (over time): the proportion of school leavers who are in not in education or training has fallen considerably since 2006/07.
  • Concentrations of worklessness:
    • first graph (over time): over the last decade, claimant numbers in the areas with the most claimants have fallen at a slightly slower rate than those in the areas with the least claimants.
    • second graph (rates): 35% of working-age people receive out-of-work benefits in the areas with the highest concentrations. This compares with 14% in areas with average concentrations.
    • third graph (shares): around 40% of working-age recipients of out-of-work benefits live in a fifth of small areas, whilst the other 60% live outside of these areas.
  • Location of low pay:
    • first graph and map (by local authority): the proportion of employees earning less than £7 per hour is highest in Dumfries & Galloway, Moray, Clackmannanshire and Highland.
    • second graph (compared with the United Kingdom): Scotland has a somewhat lower proportion of employees earning less than £7 per hour than most other parts of the United Kingdom.
  • Pay inequalities:
    • first graph (over time): low-paid women are paid around 6% less than low-paid men. High-paid women are paid around 20% less than high-paid men.
    • second graph (by gender and type): a half of all part-time workers – both men and women – are paid less than £8 per hour.
  • Excess winter deaths:
    • first graph (over time): each year around 2,000 more people aged 65 and over die in winter months than in other months.
  • Homelessness:
    • first graph (over time): the number of households who are newly homeless has remained unchanged over the last six years.
    • second graph (by household type): three-fifths of those officially recognised as homeless are single adults with no dependent children. Most of the others are lone parents, with relatively few being couples.
    • third graph and map (by local authority): every local authority has a homelessness problem, but Falkirk, West Dunbartonshire, and Glasgow have the greatest problems.
  • Burglaries:
    • first graph (over time): the number of burglaries recorded by the police is now a third of what it was in the mid 1990s.
    • second graph (by local authority): in terms of recorded crime, Aberdeen, Edinburgh and Dundee have the most burglaries.

Updated Wales indicators

  • Location of low income:
    • first graph (working-age adults over time): the proportion of working-age people in receipt of out-of-work benefits has followed similar trends over time in all types of authority.
    • second graph and first map (working-age adults by local authority): twice as many working-age people in Blaenau Gwent and Merthyr Tydfil are in receipt of out-of-work benefits as in Ceredigion, Monmouthshire and Powys.
    • third graph (retirement-age adults over time): the proportion of older people in receipt of the guaranteed element of Pension Credit has followed similar trends over time in all types of authority.
    • fourth graph and second map (retirement-age adults by local authority): more people are in receipt of guaranteed Pension Credit in The Valleys than elsewhere but the differences are much less than for working-age people in receipt of out-of-work benefits.
  • Out-of-work benefit recipients:
    • first graph (over time): despite a rise in the the latest two years, the number of benefit claimants is still below that of a decade ago. The biggest group of benefit claimants remains those who are sick or disabled.
    • second graph (by reason): two-fifths of all claimants of out-of-work disability benefits have mental or behaviour conditions.
    • third graph (by age): two-fifths of all working-age claimants of out-of-work disability benefits are less than 45.
    • fourth graph and map (by local authority): twice as many working-age people in Blaenau Gwent and Merthyr Tydfil are in receipt of out-of-work benefits as in Ceredigion, Monmouthshire and Powys.
    • fifth graph (compared with Great Britain): Wales has more people in receipt of out-of-work benefits than most of the rest of Great Britain. This is mainly because it has a high number of people who are both sick or disabled and out-of-work.
  • Long-term working-age recipients of out-of-work benefits:
    • first graph (over time): most working-age people receiving a key out-of-work benefit for two years or more are sick or disabled.
    • second graph (by reason): two-fifths of all long-term claimants of out-of-work disability benefits have mental or behaviour disorders.
    • third graph (by age): two-thirds of the long-term claimants of out-of-work disability benefits are aged less than 55 and a third are aged less than 45.
  • Concentrations of poor children:
    • first graph (over time): almost half of all the primary school children who are eligible for free school meals are concentrated in a fifth of the schools, a similar proportion to a decade ago.
    • second graph (by type of school): poor children are much more concentrated in primary schools than in secondary schools.
    • second graph (by local authority): in some authorities, a third or more of the primary schools have a high proportion of their pupils eligible for free school meals. In other authorities, there are very few such primary schools.
  • Educational attainment at age 11:
    • second graph and map (by local authority): the proportion of 11-year-olds assessed as failing to achieve level 4 or above at Key Stage 2 is highest in Blaenau Gwent and Merthyr Tydfil.
  • Concentrations of worklessness:
    • first graph (over time): over the last decade, claimant numbers in the areas with the most claimants have fallen at a somewhat slower rate than those in the areas with the least claimants.
    • second graph (rates): around a third of working-age people receive out-of-work benefits in the areas with the highest concentrations. This is twice the rate for areas with average concentrations.
    • third graph (shares): around a third of working-age recipients of out-of-work benefits live in a fifth of small areas, whilst the other two-thirds live outside of these areas.
  • Location of low pay:
    • first graph and map (by local authority): the proportion of employees earning less than £7 per hour is highest in Gwynedd.
    • second graph (compared with the United Kingdom): Wales has a somewhat higher proportion of employees earning less than £7 per hour than most other parts of the United Kingdom.
  • Pay inequalities:
    • first graph (over time): at both the top and the bottom of the pay scale, rates of pay for women have become closer to rates of pay for men but are still lower.
    • second graph (by gender and type): almost half of all part-time workers – both men and women – are paid less than £7 per hour.
  • Longstanding illness/disability:
    • first graph (by age and social class): at all ages, adults in routine and manual occupational groups are somewhat more likely to have a limiting longstanding illness than those from other occupational groups.
  • Excess winter deaths:
    • first graph (over time): each year around 1,500 more people aged 65 or over die in winter months than in other months.
    • second graph (compared to England): the rate of excess winter deaths amongst those aged 65 and over in Wales is similar to that in all of the English regions.

Updated Northern Ireland indicators

  • Location of low income:
    • second graph and second map (retirement age): the proportion of people aged 60 and over in receipt of guaranteed Pension Credit is highest in Cookstown, Derry and Strabane.
  • Working-age out-of-work benefit recipients:
    • second graph (by reason): almost half of all claimants of out-of-work disability benefits have mental or behaviour conditions.
    • third graph (by age): two-fifths of all working-age claimants of out-of-work disability benefits are aged less than 45.
  • Long-term working-age recipients of out-of-work benefits:
    • second graph (by age): two-thirds of the long-term claimants of out-of-work disability benefits are aged less than 55 and a third are aged less than 45.
  • Disability living allowance recipients:
    • first graph (over time): the proportion of working-age people in receipt of Disability Living Allowance in Northern Ireland is twice the level in Great Britain.
  • Low pay by gender:
    • first graph (by age): at all ages, at least a quarter of part-time employees are paid less than £7 per hour.
    • second graph (shares by gender): half of those paid less than £7 per hour are part-time workers, mainly women.
    • third graph (shares by age): around a third of those paid less than £7 per hour are aged 40 or over.
  • Location of low pay:
    • first graph and map (by local authority): Strabane and Cookstown have by far the highest proportion of workers who are paid less than £7 per hour.
    • second graph (compared to Great Britain): the proportion of full-time employees earning less than £7 per hour is higher in Northern Ireland than in any of the regions of Great Britain.
  • Pay inequalities:
    • first graph (over time): at both the top and the bottom of the pay scale, rates of pay for women have become closer to rates of pay for men but are still lower.
    • second graph (by gender and type): two-fifths of all part-time workers – both men and women – are paid less than £7 per hour.
    • third graph (compared with Great Britain): overall pay inequalities in Northern Ireland are similar to those in most of the regions in Great Britain.
  • Homelessness:
    • first graph (over time): the number of households presenting as homeless is much higher than a decade ago. Most of the increase has been households without dependent children.
    • second graph (by family type): two-thirds of those presenting as homeless do not have dependent children and the majority of these are aged 25 or over.
    • third graph (by reason): there are many reasons why people present as homeless.

Updated rural England indicators

  • Out-of-work benefit recipients:
    • first graph (working-age – by group): the proportion of working-age adults in receipt of out-of-work benefits is much lower in rural districts than in urban districts.
    • second graph (working-age – over time): as in urban districts, the rise in the number of claimants in the last two years has brought the numbers back up to where they were a decade ago.
    • third graph (retirement-age): the proportion of pensioners in receipt of means-tested benefits is much lower in rural districts than in urban districts.
  • Numbers in low pay:
    • first graph (rural/urban rates – by residency): by residency – low pay is slightly more prevalent in the most rural districts.
    • second graph (rural/urban rates – by place of work): by place of work – low pay is more prevalent the more rural the district.
    • third graph (rural/urban shares): 1.4 million employees living in rural districts are paid less than £7 per hour. This is two-fifths of all those paid less than £7 per hour.

Updated European indicators

Updated local area data

  • Out-of-work benefit recipients (Great Britain; district-level spreadsheet and map plus ward-level spreadsheet and map).
  • Pension Credit recipients (Great Britain; district-level spreadsheet and map plus ward-level spreadsheet and map).
  • Low pay (Great Britain; district-level spreadsheet and map).
  • Homelessness (Scotland; district-level spreadsheet).

November 2010

Updated UK indicators

  • Low income and council tax:
    • first graph (over time): more than half of all low-income households are paying full Council Tax, much higher than a decade ago.
    • second graph (by age group): 7 million people in England and Wales are living in low-income households where the household is paying full Council Tax.
    • third graph (by household type): the vast majority of low-income working-age families where someone is working pay full Council Tax.
  • Longstanding illness/disability – working-age adults:
    • first and second graphs (over time): around a quarter of adults aged 45-64 report a longstanding illness or disability which limits their activity.
    • third graph (by income): two-fifths of all adults aged 45-64 on below-average incomes have a limiting longstanding illness or disability, more than twice the rate for those on above-average incomes.
  • Longstanding illness/disability – older people:
    • first and second graphs (over time): a third of adults aged 65-74, and half of adults aged 75 and over, report a limiting longstanding sickness or disability. Both proportions are similar to a decade ago.
    • third graph (by income): for those aged 65-74, the proportion with a limiting longstanding illness or disability increases as income decreases. The differences by income are less for those aged 75 and over.
  • Overcrowding:
    • first graph (over time): around one in twenty people live in overcrowded conditions, somewhat higher than a decade ago.

Updated Scotland indicators

  • Wanting paid work:
    • fourth graph (by local authority): the proportion of the working-age population who lack, but want, paid work is twice as high in Inverclyde, North Ayrshire and West Dunbarton as in some other local authority areas.

Updated Wales indicators

  • Wanting paid work:
    • fourth graph (by local authority): the proportion of the working-age population who lack, but want, paid work is highest in Blaenau Gwent.

Updated Northern Ireland indicators

  • Numbers in low income:
    • fourth graph (by religion): the proportion of people who are in low-income households is much higher for Catholics than for Protestants.

Updated rural England indicators

  • Young adult unemployment:
    • first graph (rates): although lower than in urban districts, the unemployment rate for 16- to 24-year-olds in rural districts is four times that for older workers.
    • second graph (shares): in the three years to end 2009, 200,000 16- to 24-year-olds in rural districts were unemployed.
  • Wanting paid work:
    • first graph (rates): those officially unemployed in rural districts represent less than half of the total numbers in rural districts who lack, but want, paid work.
    • second graph (shares): one million working-age adults in rural districts lack, but want, paid work.
  • Numbers in low pay:
    • fourth graph (rates by job type and gender): as in urban districts, part-time workers in rural districts – both men and women – are much more likely to be earning less than £7 per hour than full-time workers.
    • fifth graph (shares by job type and gender): around half of those paid less than £7 per hour in rural districts are part-time workers, mainly women.
  • Low pay by industry:
    • fourth graph (rates): as in urban districts, low pay in rural districts is much more prevalent in distribution, hotels and restaurants than in other industry sectors.
    • fifth graph (shares): two-fifths of workers in rural districts earning less than £7 per hour work in distribution, hotels and restaurants. A further third work in the public and voluntary sectors.
  • Access to training:
    • first graph (compared with urban): in both rural and urban districts, employees without educational qualifications are much less likely to receive any job-related training than those with qualifications.
  • Working-age adults without qualifications:
    • first graph (rates): one in ten people of working age in rural districts have no educational qualifications.
    • second graph (shares): one million people aged 20 to retirement in rural districts have no educational qualifications.
  • With no private income:
    • second graph (with no private income): almost half of all workers in rural districts do not have a current pension.
  • With no bank account:
    • first graph (by level of income): as in urban districts, low-income households are more likely to have no bank or building society account than households on average incomes.
    • second graph (over time): Whilst the proportion of households in rural districts who have no bank or building society account has fallen over the last decade, the rate of reduction has been much slower than that in urban districts.

Updated local area data

  • Lacking, but wanting, paid work (Great Britain; district-level spreadsheet and map).

September 2010

Updated UK indicators

  • Numbers in low income:
    • first and second graphs (over time): the number of people in low-income households in 2008/09 was substantially higher than a few years previously. This rise occurred at all thresholds of low income.
    • third graph (fixed low-income threshold): the number of people below a fixed 1996/97 low-income threshold is actually higher than a few years ago, after having previously halved in the late 1990s and early 2000s.
  • Location of low income:
    • first graph (by region): the proportion of people in low-income households is lower than a decade ago in all the regions except for the West Midlands. London now has a much higher proportion than any other region.
  • The impact of housing costs:
    • first graph (over time): the proportion of people in in low-income households on a ‘before deducting housing costs’ measure has followed a similar pattern over time to that on an ‘after deducting housing costs’ measure.
    • second graph (by region): the proportion of people in low income in Southern England (particularly London) is much higher on an ‘after deducting housing costs’ measure than on a ‘before deducting housing costs’ measure.
    • third graph (housing costs): housing costs for households with below-average incomes are much higher in London and much lower in Northern Ireland.
  • Low income by age group:
    • first graph (over time – rates): the proportion of pensioners who live in low-income households is much lower than a decade ago, the proportion for children is a bit lower, and the proportion for working-age adults without dependent children is a bit higher.
    • second graph (over time – numbers): the only group where the number of low-income people is higher than a decade ago is working-age adults without dependent children.
    • third graph (shares): a third of all people in low-income households are working-age adults without dependent children.
    • fourth graph (by age): the heightened risk that children face of living in a low-income household does not end at the formal end of childhood but continues through to the age of 21.
  • Low income by family type:
    • first graph (by family type): a half of all people in lone parent families are in low income. This is more than twice the rate for couples with children.
    • second graph (depth of low income): three-quarters of the people with very low incomes are either working-age adults without children or in couples with children. Relatively few are either pensioners or in lone parent families.
  • Low income and ethnicity
    • first graph (over time): around two-fifths of people from ethnic minorities live in low-income households, twice the rate for White people.
    • second graph (by ethnic group): whilst rates have been falling for all ethnic groups, more than half of people from Bangladeshi and Pakistani ethnic backgrounds still live in low-income households.
    • third graph (by age): for all ages, people from ethnic minorities are, on average, much more likely to live in low-income households than White British people.
    • fourth graph (by family work status): for all work statuses, people from ethnic minorities are, on average, more likely to live in low-income households than White British people.  The gap is biggest for part-working families.
    • fifth graph (working families): among those in working families, around 65% of Bangladeshis, 50% of Pakistanis and 30% of Black Africans are in low income.
    • sixth graph (by geography – risks): unlike ethnic minorities, the proportion of White British people who live in low-income households is similar across the UK.
    • seventh graph (by geography – shares): more than half of people living in low-income households in London are from ethnic minorities.
  • Low income by gender
    • first and second graphs (over time): women are a bit – but only a bit – more likely to live in low-income households than men and the gap has narrowed considerably in recent years.
    • third graph (by family type): single female pensioners and female lone parents are both more likely to be in low-income households than their male equivalents, but there is no difference for working-age singles without children.
    • fourth graph (shares by family type): in terms of family type, the composition of those in low income is much more varied for women than for men.
    • fifth graph (over time by family type): the two groups where women dominate – single pensioners and lone parents – are precisely the groups where the proportion who are in low income has been fallen.
    • sixth graph (by age): men aged 60 to 64 are more likely to be in low income than men in any other age group between 25 and 80.
  • Income inequalities
    • first graph (changes in real income – percentages): unlike the rest of the population, the poorest tenth have not seen a rise in their average incomes over the last decade.
    • second graph (changes in real income – shares): four-fifths of the total increase in incomes over the last decade has gone to those with above-average incomes and two-fifths has gone to those in the richest tenth.
    • third graph (total income – over time): the richest tenth now have 31% of total income, noticeably more than a decade ago. The poorest tenth have just over 1% of the total income.
    • fourth graph (total income – shares): the income of the richest tenth is more than the income of all those on below-average incomes (i.e. the bottom five tenths) combined.
    • fifth graph (by region): Inner London is deeply divided – it has by far the highest proportion of people on a low income but also a high proportion of people on a high income.
    • sixth graph (composition by income level): within the bottom three income deciles, the proportion who are pensioners rises as income rises whilst the proportion who are in workless working-age families falls as income rises.
    • seventh graph (Gini coefficient): the gini coefficient measure of overall income inequality in the UK is now higher than at any previous time in the last thirty years.
  • In receipt of tax credits:
    • third graph (by income group): only a quarter of tax credit recipients are no longer in low income because of the tax credit monies received.
  • Children in low-income households:
    • first graph (over time – numbers): the number of children in low-income households is still well above the Government’s target for 2004/05. Numbers have risen since 2004/05.
    • second graph (over time – proportions): children remain more likely than adults to live in low income households.
    • third graph (by family type): a half of all people in lone parent families are in low income. This is more than twice the rate for couples with children.
    • fourth graph (by region): inner London has a much higher proportion of children in low-income households than any other region.
    • fifth graph (by work status – risks): unless all adults in the family are working (and at least one of them full time), the risks of a child being in low income are substantial.
    • sixth graph (by work status – numbers): among children in low income, the number in working families has risen sharply in the last few years whilst the number in workless ones has been falling since the mid-1990s.
    • seventh graph (by work status – shares): more than half of the children in low income households live in families where at least one of the adults is in paid work.
  • Children in receipt of tax credits:
    • first graph (over time): tax credits now take around 1 million children in working families out of low income – but a million more children need this support than a decade ago.
    • second graph (by group): only a quarter of the children in working families in receipt of tax credits are no longer in low income because of the tax credit monies received.
    • third graph (by family type): tax credits are more effective in taking children in lone parent families out of low income than they are for those in couple families.
  • Young adults in low-income households:
    • first graph (over time): a fifth of all boys eligible for free school meals do not obtain 5 or more GCSEs.
    • second graph (by family work status): a fifth of all White British pupils eligible for free school meals do not obtain 5 or more GCSEs, a much higher proportion than that any for other ethnic group.
  • Working-age adults in low income:
    • first graph (over time): at around a fifth in 2008/09, the proportion of working-age adults who are in low-income households is now slightly higher than at any time since the mid-1990s.
    • second graph (by region): Inner London has a much higher proportion of working-age adults who are in low-income households than any other region.
  • Low income by work status:
    • first graph (over time – proportions): an adult’s risk of low income varies greatly depending on how much paid work the family does. Over the last decade, these risks have increased for working families, both ‘all-working’ and ‘part-working’.
    • second graph (over time – numbers): among working-age adults in low income, the number in working families has been rising and now exceeds the number in workless ones.
    • third graph (by family type): most of the rise in working families in low income has been among those without dependent children.
    • fourth graph (shares): among working-age adults in low income, more than half now have someone in their family who is in paid work.
  • Low income and disability:
    • first graph (over time): disabled adults are twice as likely to live in low-income households as non-disabled adults, and this has been the case throughout the last decade.
    • second graph (by family work status): disabled adults in workless families are actually somewhat less likely to be in low income than their non-disabled counterparts.
    • third graph (by family type): for all family types, a disabled adult’s risk of being in low income is much greater than that for a non-disabled adult.
  • Composition of working-age low income:
    • first graph (by family type): of the 1.7 million adults aged 16 to 24 in low-income households, 1.1 million are single adults without children.
    • second graph (lone parents): four-fifths of lone parents in low-income households are aged 25 or older.
    • third graph (by family type and work status): of the 1.6 million adults aged 34 to 42 in low-income households, 1 million are in families where someone is working and most of these are couples with children.
    • fourth graph (by family work and disability status): of the 1.2 million adults aged 52 to 60 in low-income households, 600,000 have a disabled adult in the family and most of these are workless.
  • Older people in low income:
    • first graph (over time): the proportion of single pensioners who are in low-income households has halved over the last decade, with smaller falls for pensioner couples.
    • second graph (by family type): pensioners are now less likely to be living in low-income households than non-pensioners.
    • third graph (by age): single female pensioners are more likely to be in low income than either single male pensioners or pensioner couples.
    • fourth graph (shares): around half of low-income pensioners are in couples and the other half are single pensioners.
    • fifth graph (by depth): Unlike working-age adults, relatively few low-income pensioners have a very low income.
    • sixth graph (by region): inner London has a much higher proportion of pensioners who are in low-income than any other region.
    • seventh graph (before deducting housing costs): after deducting housing costs, pensioners are less likely to be in low income than non-pensioners. Before deducting housing costs, however, pensioners are more likely to be in low income than non-pensioners.
  • Polarisation by housing tenure:
    • first graph (over time – by income): half of all people in social housing are in low income compared to one in seven owner occupiers. Both risks are similar to a decade ago.

Updated Scotland indicators

  • Numbers in low income:
    • first graph (over time): the proportion of people in low-income households fell during the early 2000s but has remained unchanged since then.
    • second graph (fixed low-income threshold): the proportion of people in households below a fixed 1994/95 low-income threshold halved in the late 1990s but has remained largely unchanged since 2001/02.
    • third graph (compared to Great Britain – over time): since 2004/05, the proportion of people who are in low-income households has remained unchanged in Scotland but has increased for Great Britain as a whole.
    • fourth graph (compared to Great Britain – by region): the proportion of people in low-income households in Scotland is now much lower than the Great Britain average.
  • Low income by age group:
    • first graph (risks): the proportions of pensioners and children living in low-income households are both lower than a decade ago. By contrast, the proportion for working-age adults without dependent children is similar to a decade ago.
    • second graph (shares): two-fifths of all people in low income are working-age adults without dependent children.
  • Low income by family type:
    • first graph (by family type): almost half of all people in lone parent families are in low income. This is three times the rate for couples with children.
    • second graph (depth of low income): half of all the people with very low incomes are working-age adults without children. Relatively few are either pensioners or in lone parent families.
  • Income inequalities
    • first graph (changes in real income – percentages): unlike the rest of the population, the poorest tenth have not seen a substantial rise in their average incomes over the last decade.
    • second graph (changes in real income – shares): three-quarters of the total increase in incomes over the last decade has gone to those with above-average incomes and two-fifths has gone to those in the richest tenth.
    • third graph (total income – over time): apart from the richest tenth, the overall distribution of income has changed little over the last decade. The poorest tenth have 2% of total income.
    • fourth graph (total income – shares): the income of the richest tenth is the same as the income of all those on below-average incomes (i.e. the bottom five tenths) combined.
    • fifth graph (compared to Great Britain): income inequality in Scotland is less than in Great Britain as a whole.
    • sixth graph (composition by income level): compared to the bottom two income deciles, the third decile has more pensioners and more working families.
  • Children in low-income households:
    • first graph (over time): despite a reduction over the last decade, children continue to be much more likely to live in low-income households than adults.
    • second graph (by family type): almost half of all people in lone parent families are in low income. This is three times the rate for couples with children.
    • third graph (by work status): unless all adults in the family are working (and at least one of them full time), the risks of a child being in low income are substantial.
    • fourth graph (shares): half of the children in low-income households live in families where at least one of the adults is in paid work.
    • fifth graph (compared to Great Britain): the proportion of children in low-income households in Scotland is now lower than in any of the other regions of Great Britain. This is because the falls over the last decade have been greater in Scotland than in any of the other regions.
  • Working-age adults in low income:
    • first graph (over time): the proportion of working-age adults who are in low-income households is similar to a decade ago.
    • second graph (compared to the United Kingdom): the proportion of working-age adults who are in low-income households in Scotland is lower than the UK average.
  • Low income by work status:
    • first graph (over time): the only families with a low risk of low income are those where all the adults are working.
    • second graph (shares): among working-age adults in low income, almost half now have someone in their family who is in paid work.
    • third graph (by family type): for working-age adults in low income in both working and workless families, the proportion who do not have dependent children has increased.
  • Older people in low income:
    • first graph (over time): with substantial falls over the last decade, pensioners are now much less likely to be living in low income than non-pensioners.
    • second graph (by family type): the one in six pensioners who are in low income compares to almost half of all people in lone parent families.
    • third graph (by depth): unlike working-age adults, relatively few low-income pensioners have a very low income.
    • fourth graph (compared to the United Kingdom): the proportion of pensioners in low income in Scotland is lower than in any of the other regions of the UK.

Updated Wales indicators

  • Numbers in low income:
    • first graph (over time): the estimated number of people who are in low-income households fell in 2008/09 after rising in 2007/08. Current trends are therefore unclear.
    • second graph (fixed low-income threshold): the proportion of people in households below a fixed 1994/95 low-income threshold halved in the period to 2002/03 but has remained largely unchanged since then.
    • third graph (compared to Great Britain – over time): the proportion of people in low-income households in Wales has followed broadly similar trends over time as that for Great Britain as a whole.
    • fourth graph (compared to Great Britain – by region): the proportion of people in low-income households in Wales is slightly higher than the Great Britain average, as it was a decade ago.
  • Low income by age group:
    • first graph (risks): children remain more much likely to live in low-income households than either working-age adults or pensioners.
    • second graph (shares): a third of all people in low-income households are working-age adults without dependent children.
  • Low income by family type:
    • first graph (by family type): half of all people in lone parent families are in low income. This is more than double the rate for couples with children.
    • second graph (depth of low income): three-quarters of the people with very low incomes are either working-age adults without children or in couples with children. Relatively few are either pensioners or in lone parent families.
  • Income inequalities
    • first graph (over time): the poorest tenth have 1½% of total income whilst the second poorest tenth have 4%. The richest tenth have 25-30%.
    • second graph (shares): the income of the richest tenth is similar to the income of all those on below-average incomes (i.e. the bottom five tenths) combined.
    • third graph (Compared to Great Britain): income inequality in Wales is less than in Great Britain as a whole.
  • Children in low-income households:
    • first graph (over time): children continue to be much more likely to live in low-income households than adults.
    • second graph (by family type): half of all people in lone parent families are in low income. This is more than double the rate for couples with children.
    • third graph (by work status): unless all adults in the family are working (and at least one of them full time), the risks of a child being in low income are substantial.
    • fourth graph (shares): half of the children in low-income households live in families where at least one of the adults is in paid work.
    • fifth graph (compared to Great Britain): the proportion of children in low-income households in Wales is now similar to the Great Britain average, having been higher than average a decade ago.
  • Working-age adults in low income:
    • first graph (over time): the proportion of working-age adults who are in low-income households is similar to a decade ago.
    • second graph (compared to the United Kingdom): the proportion of working-age adults who are in low-income households in Wales is slightly higher than the UK average.
  • Low income by work status:
    • first graph (over time): the only families with a low risk of low income are those where all the adults are working.
    • second graph (shares): among working-age adults in low income, almost half now have someone in their family who is in paid work.
    • third graph (by family type): for working-age adults in low income in both working and workless families, the proportion who do not have dependent children has increased.
  • Older people in low income:
    • first graph (over time): pensioners are now much less likely to be living in low income than non-pensioners.
    • second graph (by family type): the one in five pensioners who are in low income compares to half of all people in lone parent families.
    • third graph (by depth): Unlike working-age adults, relatively few low-income pensioners have a very low income.
    • fourth graph (compared to the United Kingdom): the proportion of pensioners in low income in Wales is similar to the UK average.

Updated Northern Ireland indicators

  • Numbers in low income:
    • first graph (after deducting housing costs): the proportion of people who are in low-income households measured after housing costs are deducted is somewhat lower in Northern Ireland than the Great Britain average.
    • second graph (before deducting housing costs): the proportion of people who are in low-income households measured beforehousing costs are deducted is somewhat higher in Northern Ireland than the Great Britain average.
    • third graph (housing costs): housing costs for households with below-average incomes are much lower in Northern Ireland than in any of the regions of Great Britain.
  • Low income by age group:
    • first graph (risks): as in Great Britain, children in Northern Ireland are more likely to live in low-income households than adults.
    • second graph (shares): a third of all people in low-income households are children.
  • Low income by family type:
    • first graph (by family type): almost half of all people in lone parent families are in low income. This is two-and-a half times the rate for couples with children.
  • Children in low-income households:
    • first graph (compared to Great Britain): the proportion of children who are in low-income households is somewhat lower in Northern Ireland than in either Wales or any of the English regions.
    • second graph (by family type): almost half of all people in lone parent families are in low income. This is two-and-a half times the rate for couples with children.
    • third graph (shares): half of the children in low-income households live in families where at least one of the adults is in paid work.
  • Low income by work status:
    • first graph (over time): as in Great Britain, the only families in Northern Ireland with a low risk of low income are those where all the adults are working.
    • second graph (shares): among working-age adults in low income, half have someone in their family who is in paid work.
  • Low income and disability:
    • first graph (compared to Great Britain): disabled working-age adults in Northern Ireland are twice as likely to live in low-income households as non-disabled adults.
  • Older people in low income:
    • first graph (compared to Great Britain): the proportion of pensioners who are in low-income households is higher in Northern Ireland than in any of the Great Britain regions except for London.
    • second graph (by family type): Similar proportions of single pensioners and pensioner couples are in low income.

Updated rural England indicators

  • Numbers in low income:
    • first graph (rates): one in six people in rural districts live in low-income households. This compares with one in four in urban districts.
    • second graph (shares): 3.5 million people in rural districts live in low-income households – around a third of the total.
    • third graph (over time): in rural districts, like in urban districts, the proportion of people who are in low income is slightly – but only slightly – lower than a decade ago.
  • Low income by age group:
    • first graph (rates): children and working-age adults in rural districts are much less likely to be in low income than their urban counterparts, but this is not the case for pensioners.
    • second graph (shares): the proportion of people in low-income households who are pensioners is higher in rural districts than in urban districts.
  • Low income by family type:
    • first graph (rates): as in urban districts, lone parent families in rural districts are more than twice as likely to be in low income as other family types.
    • second graph (shares): as a proportion of all those in low income, in rural districts there are fewer in lone parent families and more in pensioner families than is the case for urban districts.
  • Income inequalities:
    • first graph (by amount): throughout the income distribution, households in rural districts have, on average, a slightly greater income than households in urban districts.
    • second graph (by share): whilst slightly more than 20% of the population in rural districts in England are in the UK’s richest fifth, somewhat less than 20% of the population in these districts are in the UK’s poorest fifth.
  • Children in low-income households:
    • first graph (rates): a quarter of all children in rural districts live in low-income households.
    • second graph (shares): 1.1 million children in low-income households – a quarter of the total – live in rural districts.
    • third graph (over time): the proportion of children who are in low-income households in rural districts is similar to that of a decade ago.
    • fourth graph (risks by family type and work status): the risk of children being in low-income households is affected mainly by the work status of their parent(s); within each work status, the average levels of risk are mostly similar in both rural and urban districts.
    • fifth graph (shares by family type and work status): two-thirds of children in low-income households in the more rural districts live in a family where at least one of the parents is working. This is a much higher proportion than that in urban districts.
  • Working-age adults in low income:
    • first graph (rates): One in six working-age adults in rural districts live in low-income households. This is noticeably lower than the proportion in urban districts.
    • second graph (shares): 1.9 million working-age adults in low-income households – a quarter of the total – live in rural districts.
    • third graph (over time): in rural districts, like in urban districts, the proportion of working-age adults who are in low-income households is slightly higher than a decade ago.
  • Low income by work status:
    • first graph (rates): for any particular family work status, the risk of a working-age adult being in low income is broadly similar in both rural and urban districts.
    • second graph (shares): in the more rural districts, around two-third of working-age people with low incomes live in families where someone works. Only a third live in workless families.
  • Older people in low income:
    • first graph (rates): one in six pensioners in rural districts live in low income. This proportion is similar to that in urban districts.
    • second graph (shares): 700,000 pensioners in low-income households – two-fifths of the total – live in rural districts.
    • third graph (over time): in rural districts, like in urban districts, the proportion of pensioners who are in low income has fallen substantially over the last decade.
  • Polarisation by housing tenure:
    • first graph (by income): almost half of all people in social housing in rural districts are in low income. This compares to around one in seven of those in other tenures.

August 2010

Updated UK indicators

  • Lacking essentials:
    • first graph (by item/activity – adults): many people on low incomes say that they cannot afford selected essential items or activities – but so do quite a lot of people on average incomes.
    • second graph (by item/activity – children): regular holidays are by far the most common ‘essential’ item that children in low-income households lack because their parents say that they cannot afford them.
  • In arrears with bills:
    • first graph (by income): a fifth of families in the poorest fifth are in arrears with their bills. This is three times the rate for those on average incomes.
    • second graph (by family work status): a fifth of workless working-age families are in arrears with their bills. This is five times the rate for all-working families.
  • Benefit levels:
    • third graph (compared to low-income thresholds): means-tested benefits for a working-age couple with no children are only around half the low-income threshold. By contrast, for a pensioner couple, means-tested benefits are similar to the low-income threshold.
  • Concentrations of poor children:
    • first graph (over time): half of all the primary and nursery school children who are eligible for free school meals are concentrated in a fifth of the schools, a similar proportion to a decade ago.
    • second graph (by phase of education): pupils eligible for free school meals have, on average, twice as many pupils in their school eligible for free school meals.
    • third graph (by region): two-thirds of all local education primary and nursery schools in inner London have a high proportion of their children eligible for free school meals.
  • Low birthweight babies:
    • third graph (by region): the proportion of babies who are of low birthweight is similar in all regions of Great Britain.
  • Educational attainment at age 16:
    • third graph (by free school meal eligibility and gender): young adults are much more likely to live in low-income households than older working-age adults.
    • fourth graph (by free school meal eligibility and ethnicity): unemployed young adults are less likely to be in a low-income household than their older counterparts.
  • Older people with no private income:
    • first graph (over time): 1.2 million pensioners have no income other than the state retirement pension and state benefits. This is a similar number as a decade ago.
    • second graph (not contributing – by income): the proportion of workers without a current pension increases as household income decreases. Two-thirds of those in the poorest fifth do not have a current pension.
    • third graph (not contributing – by age): for all ages from 40 to 60, around a third of workers do not have a current pension.
  • Without a bank account:
    • first graph (by income – over time): the proportion of low-income households with no bank account is much lower than a decade ago.
    • second graph (by income – by type of account): whilst only 5-6% of the poorest fifth of households now have no account, this rises to 11% if Post Office Card Accounts are not considered to be accounts.
  • Mortgage repossessions:
    • third graph (by income): 500,000 homeowners in the poorest fifth expend more than a quarter of their after tax income on mortgage interest repayments. This represents half of all mortgage holders in the poorest fifth.
  • Housing benefit:
    • second graph (by group): one in five households in rented accommodation have a low income but still have to pay full rent.

Updated Scotland indicators

  • Lacking essentials:
    • first graph (by item/activity – adults): many people on low incomes say that they cannot afford selected essential items or activities – but so do quite a lot of people on average incomes.
  • Low birthweight babies:
    • fourth graph (compared to Great Britain): the proportion of babies who are of low birthweight in Scotland is similar to the Great Britain average.
  • Infant deaths:
    • first graph (over time): children born to parents from manual backgrounds are around twice as likely to die in their first year of life as those born to parents from non-manual backgrounds.
  • Young adult suicides:
    • first graph (over time): there are around 100 suicides amongst young adults aged 15-24 each year, mostly males. This is less than a decade ago.
  • Premature death:
    • sixth graph (by local authority – selected diseases): the standardised mortality rate for stomach cancer, lung cancer and heart disease in Glasgow is almost twice as high as that in the best areas.
  • Older people with no private income:
    • first graph (over time): around 140,000 pensioners have no income other than the state retirement pension and state benefits.
    • second graph (not contributing – by income): the proportion of workers without a current pension increases as household income decreases. Two-thirds of those in the poorest fifth do not have a current pension.
    • third graph (not contributing – by age): for all ages from 40 to 60, around a third of workers do not have a current pension.
  • Without a bank account:
    • first graph (over time): the proportion of low-income households with no bank account is an order of magnitude less than a decade ago.

Updated Wales indicators

  • Low birthweight babies:
    • first graph (over time): the proportion of babies born with a low birthweight is similar to a decade ago.
    • fourth graph (compared to Great Britain): the proportion of babies who are of low birthweight in Wales is similar to the Great Britain average.
  • Older people with no private income:
    • first graph (over time): around 80,000 pensioners have no income other than the state retirement pension and state benefits.
    • second graph (not contributing – by income): the proportion of workers without a current pension increases as household income decreases. Three-quarters of those in the poorest fifth do not have a current pension.
    • third graph (not contributing – by age): for all ages from 30 to 60, around two-fifths of workers do not have a current pension.
  • Without a bank account:
    • first graph (over time): the proportion of low-income households with no bank account is much lower than a decade ago.

Updated Northern Ireland indicators

  • Not in education, employment or training:
    • fourth graph (by deprivation of area): more pupils in deprived catholic areas go on to Further or Higher Education than do pupils in deprived protestant areas.
  • Older people with no private income:
    • first graph (compared to Great Britain): two-fifths of single pensioners – and a fifth of pensioner couples – have no income other than the state retirement pension and state benefits. These proportion are much greater than those in Great Britain.
    • second graph (not contributing – by income): the proportion of workers without a current pension increases as household income decreases. Three-quarters of those in the poorest fifth do not have a current pension.
    • third graph (not contributing – by age): for all ages from 30 to retirement age, around two-fifths of workers do not have a current pension.
  • Without a bank account:
    • first graph (compared to Great Britain): at all income levels, the proportion of households lacking a bank account in Northern Ireland is much higher than in Great Britain.
  • Physical environment:
    • first graph (risks): there is a strong relationship between the state of the local outdoor physical environment and the deprivation of the area. The relationship between housing quality and deprivation is much less clear.
    • second graph (shares): well over half of areas with the worst physical environment are in the most deprived fifth of all local areas.
  • Victims of crime:
    • first graph (by deprivation of area): Assaults are much more common in areas with above-average deprivation. Burglaries are also a bit more common but the differences are much less.

Updated rural England indicators

  • Educational attainment at age 16:
    • first graph (by free school meal eligibility and gender): a fifth of all boys in rural districts who are eligible for free school meals do not obtain 5 or more GCSEs.
  • Older people with no private income:
    • first graph (no private income): pensioners in rural districts are much less likely than those in urban districts to rely solely on the state retirement pension and state benefits for their income.

Updated local area data

  • Educational attainment at age 16 (England only; lower tier spreadsheet and map).

July 2010

Updated UK indicators

  • Lacking consumer durables:
    • first graph (over time): one in six households in low income lack either a freezer or a washing machine. This compares with one in three a decade ago.
    • second graph (by item): for all consumer durables, the proportion of low-income households who are lacking them is much lower than a decade ago but still higher than for those on average incomes.
  • Benefit levels:
    • first graph (over time re inflation): while the level of means-tested benefits for both families with children and pensioners has gone up much faster than inflation over the last decade, that for working-age adults without children has remained constant in real terms.
    • second graph (over time re earnings): until the recent small rises, the level of means-tested benefits, relative to earnings, for working-age adults without children had been in continual decline, unlike those for both pensioners and families with children.
  • Children in workless households:
    • fifth graph (compared to the European Union): the UK has a higher proportion of its children living in workless households than any other EU country.
  • Low birthweight babies:
    • second graph (by family type): babies born to lone parents are more likely to be of low birthweight than babies born to couples.
  • Underage pregnancies:
    • third graph (by social class): teenage motherhood is eight times as common amongst those from manual social backgrounds as for those from professional backgrounds.
  • School exclusions:
    • first and second graphs (over time): the number of permanent exclusions has fallen by a third over the last six years.
    • third graph (by ethnic group): Black Caribbean pupils are three times as likely to be permanently excluded from school as pupils from any other ethnic group.
    • fourth graph (by region): the rate of permanent exclusion is much lower in Scotland than elsewhere in Great Britain.
  • Not in education, employment or training:
    • third graph (by destination): the proportion of 16- to 18-year-olds who are in full-time education has increased in recent years.
    • fourth graph (by gender): among 16- to 18-year-olds, more girls than boys continue in full-time education.
    • fifth graph (by ethnic group): the proportion of White 16-year-olds who do not continue in full time education is much higher than that for any ethnic minority, but many are undertaking some form of training.
  • Young adults with a criminal record:
    • second graph (by ethnic group): black young adults are four times as likely as white young adults to be in prison.
  • Blue collar jobs:
    • first graph (over time by industry): while the total number of jobs is higher than a decade ago, the number of jobs in manufacturing, construction and other production industries has fallen.
    • second graph (over time within production): whilst manufacturing has been declining, the number of jobs in construction is similar to a decade ago.
    • third graph (by region): over the last decade, all parts of the UK have seen a rise in service jobs combined with a loss of jobs in manufacturing, construction and other production industries.
  • Workless households:
    • third graph (compared to the European Union): the UK has a higher proportion of its working-age population living in workless households than most other EU countries.
  • Housing benefit:
    • first graph (over time): around two-fifths of pensioner households entitled to Council Tax Benefit – and a third of those entitled to Pension Credit – are not claiming them. These are much higher proportions than a decade ago.
    • second graph (by amount): of the estimated £4½ billion of unclaimed income-related benefits to which pensioners were entitled in 2008/09, Pensioner Credit accounted for half while Council Tax Benefit accounted for a third.
    • third graph (by tenure): half of the owner occupiers entitled to Pension Credit are not claiming it, a much higher proportion than for those in other tenures.
    • fourth graph (by family type): the proportion of pensioner households entitled to, but not claiming, Pension Credit is somewhat higher for pensioner couples than for single pensioners.
  • Access to transport:
    • first graph (journeys): people in households without a car make fewer than half the number of journeys as those with a car.
    • third graph (cars by household income): just about all households with above-average incomes have a car but half of low-income households do not.
    • fifth graph (cars by gender): although the proportion is coming down, two-fifths of women still do not drive. This compares with a quarter of men.
  • Homelessness:
    • fifth graph (in temporary accommodation – over time): the number of homeless households placed in temporary accommodation has fallen sharply since 2005.
    • fifth graph (in temporary accommodation – by region): the number of households in temporary accommodation is an order of magnitude greater in London than elsewhere.
  • Housing benefit:
    • first graph (over time): levels of non-take-up of Housing Benefit are much higher than a decade ago. This is the case for both pensioners and those of working-age.
  • Victims of crime:
    • first graph (over time): both burglaries and violent crimes have fallen by almost half over the last decade.
    • second graph (by household type): young households and the unemployed are at high risk of both being burgled and of being the victims of violence.
    • third graph (by region): the burglary rate is almost twice as high in Yorkshire & the Humber and in London as in Wales. There is less variation in the incidence of violent crime.
    • fourth graph (levels of worry): the proportion of adults who are very worried about being the victim of crime is much lower than a decade ago.
    • sixth graph (beliefs): throughout the last decade, many more adults think that their local crime rate has been increasing than think that it has been decreasing.

Updated Scotland indicators

  • Lacking consumer durables:
    • first graph (over time): the proportion of low income households lacking selected consumer durables has fallen considerably since the early 1990s.
    • second graph (compared to the United Kingdom): although the gap has been narrowing, fewer low-income households lack either a freezer or a washing machine in Scotland than in the UK as a whole.
  • Underage pregnancies:
    • first graph (over time): the number of pregnancies to girls conceiving under age 16 is similar to a decade ago, although the number of actual births is lower.
    • second graph (by deprivation of area): underage conceptions are much more common in deprived areas.
  • School exclusions:
    • third graph (compared to Great Britain): the rate of permanent exclusion is much lower in Scotland than elsewhere in Great Britain.
  • Blue collar jobs:
    • first graph (over time by industry): although the total number of jobs is similar to a decade ago, the number of service jobs (both private and public) is somewhat higher whilst the number of production jobs is somewhat lower.
    • second graph (over time within production): most of the fall in production jobs has been in manufacturing.
    • third graph (by region): the pattern of an increase in the number of service jobs, combined with a decrease in the number of production jobs, has occurred throughout the United Kingdom as well as in Scotland.
  • Longstanding illness/disability:
    • first graph (by age and housing tenure): people of all ages who are living in social rented accommodation are much more likely to suffer from a limiting long-standing illness than those in owner occupation.
  • Mental health:
    • first graph (by gender and work status): people who are working are at much lower risk of mental illness than those who are either unemployed or long-term sick or disabled.
  • Access to transport:
    • first graph (by type of area): people living in rural areas are much more likely to find public transport inconvenient than those living in either small towns or urban areas.
    • second graph (by reason): in rural areas, the most common reason for not using public transport is the lack of a service. In urban areas, a common reason is that it takes too long.
  • Access to essential services:
    • first graph (by type of area): those living in rural locations are more likely to find access to essential services inconvenient than those living in either urban areas or towns.
    • second graph (by cars): for many services, those without cars are no more likely to find access to essential services inconvenient than those with cars.
  • Dissatisfaction with public services:
    • first graph (by type of area): levels of dissatisfaction with Council services are similar in all types of area.
    • second graph (by deprivation of area): whilst the proportion of people who think that their Council does not provide high quality services is highest in the most deprived areas, the differences are not that great.
    • third graph (by income): levels of dissatisfaction with Council services are similar at all income levels.
    • fourth graph (by housing tenure): whilst the proportion of people who think that their Council does not provide high quality services is highest among social renters, the differences are not that great.
    • fifth graph (by social class): whilst the proportion of people who think that their Council does not provide high quality services is highest among those from routine and manual backgrounds, the differences are not that great.
  • Dissatisfaction with local area:
    • first graph (by type of area): people in urban areas are more likely to dislike their neighbourhood because of either young people ‘hanging around’ or vandalism than those in more rural areas.
    • second graph (by deprivation of area): people living in deprived areas are much more likely to dislike their neighbourhood because of young people ‘hanging around’ or vandalism than those living in other areas.
    • third graph (by income): a similar proportion of people at all income levels dislike their neighbourhood because of young people ‘hanging around’ or vandalism.
    • fourth graph (by housing tenure): people in social rented housing are much more likely than owner occupiers to dislike their neighbourhood because of either young people ‘hanging around’ or vandalism.
    • fifth graph (by social class): a similar proportion of people in all social classes dislike their neighbourhood because of young people ‘hanging around’ or vandalism.
  • Feeling unsafe out at night:
    • first graph (by type of area): people in urban areas are more than twice as likely to feel unsafe walking alone in their area at night as those in rural areas.
    • second graph (by deprivation of area): people living in the most deprived areas are twice as likely to feel unsafe walking alone in their area at night as those living in areas with below-average deprivation.
    • third graph (by income): people on below-average incomes are twice as likely to feel unsafe walking alone in their area at night as those on above-average incomes.
    • fourth graph (by housing tenure): people in social rented housing are almost twice as likely to feel unsafe walking alone in their area at night as owner occupiers.
    • fifth graph (by social class): the proportion of people who feel unsafe walking alone in their area at night is somewhat higher for those from routine and manual backgrounds than for those from other backgrounds.
  • Working in a voluntary capacity:
    • first graph (by type of area): people living in urban areas are less likely to have worked in a voluntary capacity than those living in rural areas.
    • second graph (by deprivation of area): people living in deprived areas are much less likely to have worked in a voluntary capacity than those living in other areas.
    • third graph (by income): people on low incomes are much less likely to have worked in a voluntary capacity than those on higher incomes.
    • fourth graph (by housing tenure): owner occupiers are twice as likely to have worked in a voluntary capacity as those living in social housing.
    • fifth graph (by social class): people from routine or manual backgrounds are much less likely to have worked in a voluntary capacity than those from other backgrounds.

Updated Wales indicators

  • Lacking consumer durables:
    • first graph (over time): the proportion of low income households lacking selected consumer durables has fallen considerably since the early 1990s.
  • School exclusions:
    • second graph (compared to Great Britain): the rate of permanent exclusion is much lower in Wales than in most of the English regions but higher than in Scotland.
  • Blue collar jobs:
    • first graph (over time by industry): while the total number of jobs is higher than a decade ago, the number of jobs in manufacturing, construction and other production industries has fallen.
    • second graph (over time within production): whilst manufacturing has been declining, the number of jobs in construction is similar to a decade ago.
    • third graph (by region): the pattern of an increase in total jobs, combined with a decrease in the number of jobs in the production industries, has occurred throughout the United Kingdom as well as in Wales.
  • Mental health:
    • first graph (by gender and work status): people who are working are at much lower risk of mental illness than those who are either unemployed or long-term sick or disabled.
  • Homelessness:
    • first graph (over time): the number of newly homeless households has halved since 2004 but is still around 8,000 households a year.
    • second graph (by family type): three-quarters of those officially recognised as homeless do not have dependent children and most of the others are lone parents. Very few are couples with children.
    • third graph (by reason): the biggest reason for becoming homeless is loss of accommodation provided by relatives or friends.
    • fourth graph and map (by local authority): every local authority has a homelessness problem, but the greatest problems appear to be in Swansea.
    • fifth graph (in temporary accommodation): although now falling, the number of homeless households in temporary accommodation is still three times that of a decade ago.
  • Burglaries:
    • first graph (compared to England): the burglary rate is lower in Wales than in any of the English regions.
    • second graph (by local authority): burglary appears to be much more common in Newport, Cardiff and Swansea than elsewhere.

Updated Northern Ireland indicators

  • Blue collar jobs:
    • first graph (over time by industry): while the total number of jobs is higher than a decade ago, the number of jobs in manufacturing, construction and other production industries is somewhat lower.
    • second graph (over time within production): whilst manufacturing has been declining, the number of jobs in construction is similar to a decade ago.
    • third graph (over time by gender): the number of jobs is higher than a decade ago for both men and women and for both full-time and part-time work.
    • fourth graph (shares by gender): almost half of full-time male jobs are in production industries, compared to one in ten full-time female jobs and part-time jobs.
    • fifth graph (shares by industry): manufacturing, construction and other production industries are the areas which are dominated by full-time male jobs.
    • seventh graph (compared to Great Britain – trends): the pattern of an increase in total jobs, combined with a decrease in the number of jobs in the production industries, has occurred throughout Great Britain as well as in Northern Ireland.
    • eighth graph (compared to Great Britain – shares): Northern Ireland has a slighter – but only slightly – larger proportion of its jobs in the public sector than most of the regions of Great Britain.
  • Mental health:
    • first graph (by gender and work status): people who are working are at much lower risk of mental illness than those who are either unemployed or long-term sick or disabled.

Updated rural England indicators

  • School exclusions:
    • first graph (compared to urban): the proportion of pupils permanently excluded from school is similar in all types of authority.

Updated European indicators

Updated local area data

  • School exclusions (England only; upper tier spreadsheet and map).
  • Homelessness (Wales only; lower tier spreadsheet).